The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most influential holders of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. While many VPs had to settle for peripheral or symbolic roles, Cheney exercised substantial influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently described as the "true president".
Bush resented this portrayal and said the relationship was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was respectful, invariably calling him in official appearances as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a team because it indicated that they were equals. In spite of such protestations, Cheney viewed the laidback president accommodating on a whole raft of policy decisions.
A Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a faction of conservative hawks that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, ordering the shooting down of any non-communicating airplanes nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the assaults transformed him, making him become determined on retaliation. In conjunction with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Actions
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the harsh treatment of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on misleading intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It was the proper decision to do then. I had faith then and I hold that view presently."
Yet during that period, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he wrote later "obvious failure, negligence, and recklessness: potentially, falsehoods, ineptitude, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had written a memorandum setting out scenarios in which national priorities might be threatened (including "availability of essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be prepared to operate alone when collective action cannot be orchestrated," explicitly citing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the White House somewhat determined on carrying out what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of reducing America's involvement in the regional tensions and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a scheme to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his father's face that each person had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken behind striking Iraq, consistently referencing intelligence reports that were whether thin or completely deceptive. He supported what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the application of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the findings as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish programmes to capture the individuals who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney enjoyed labels given to him by opponents such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the evil genius in the corner that operates invisibly leave his domain? This represents a nice way to function, truthfully."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. While he had little experience in corporate affairs but strong connections in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest energy corporations, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the White House. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US contracts valued at substantial sums.
It made him rich. His annual income during his time at the corporation rose from his $258,394 during his time as defence secretary to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package worth more than $20m|twenty
